Reason #10: The Judicial Swindle
On July 7, 2005 the Pennsylvania General Assembly
passed a bill providing pay raises for all three
branches of government. The bill was passed at 2:00
a.m. with no public input and was an example of
'gut-and-run' legislation, in which a one-page bill was
stripped of all text, replaced with a 22-page
amendment in a conference committee and quickly
passed without debate.
The bill contained a non-severability clause, meaning
that if any portion was struck down in court, the entire
pay raise would be struck down as well. This was an
attempt to ensure against any future lawsuits against
the pay raise bill. In practice, if any single judge ruled
against any part of the bill, every judge, legislator and
executive branch member who received a pay raise
would lose it.
What judge in their right mind would want to be the
one to jeopardize the pay raise of every one of his or
her colleagues? All for one and one for all.
By his own admission, Chief Justice of the Supreme
Court Ralph Cappy was a chief proponent of the pay
raise package and claimed the legislature
showed "courage" in passing it. He also met privately
with members of the other two branches of
government to hammer out the details.
The bill did not adhere to the Constitution's 'original
purpose' or 'three day' rules. Just weeks earlier,
however, the Supreme Court sent a clear message to
the legislature that such a bastardized process was
acceptable in the Court's eyes - via a decision on a
case regarding the bill that created the
Commonwealth's slots industry, which was passed in
much the same manner.
The public was outraged by the pay raise. Activist
Gene Stilp filed suit against the bill and its clear
violations of constitutional provisions for the legislative
process. A four-month public outcry eventually led to a
repeal of the pay raise bill by the General Assembly on
November 16, 2006.
The pay raise repeal also included a non-severability
clause, meaning that if any court struck down any
small portion of the repeal, everyone would get their
raises back. In for a penny, in for a pound.
Since the pay raise was repealed, Commonwealth
Court dismissed Stilp's suit as moot. Two subsequent
suits were filed by judges against the repeal, however.
These cases revolved around the constitutional
provision that judicial salaries cannot be cut unless
the salaries of "all salaried officers of the
Commonwealth" are also reduced.
There is no definition within the Constitution of what
a "salaried officer" is. Short of a constitution definition
of the term, an act of the General Assembly is the next
best thing - so the legislature created a definition
within the repeal specifically to prevent court
challenges based on this point.
While the Stilp case dealt with the procedural issues
involved with the pay raise, the judges' cases against
the repeal only sought to keep the money. In an
extraordinary move, the Supreme Court used its King's
Bench power to pull the two cases filed by judges
directly to the high court for adjudication. In an even
more unusual move, the Court brought the Stilp case
back from the dead so they could rule on all the pay
raise issues at once.
The case took an even more bizarre twist in January
2006 when then-state Treasurer Bob Casey, Jr. - who
was named as a respondent in the both the Stilp case
and one of the judges' cases - filed an amici curiae
(friend of the court) brief siding with plaintiff Stilp. A
similar brief supporting Stilp's procedural arguments
was filed by activists Tim Potts, Eric Epstein and Russ
Diamond.
Many Pennsylvanians quietly opined that the "fix was
in" as soon as the Court decided to use its King's
Bench power to combine the three cases into one.
Because the salary of every single judge in the state
was at stake, conflict of interest issues abounded.
What state court could possibly give this case a fair
hearing?
Oral arguments were heard on April 4, 2006 in
Philadelphia and the Court handed down its opinion
on September 14, 2006. The decision came as no
real surprise, but Pennsylvanians were outraged
nonetheless.
The Pennsylvania Supreme Court combined three
separate cases - including one that was already DOA -
in order to cherry-pick pieces from each to build a
decision that would allow all judges in the
Commonwealth to keep the loot. It was an act of legal
gymnastics the likes of which no Pennsylvanian had
ever seen.
Despite the non-severability clause in the repeal, the
Court restored pay raises for the judicial branch only.
The legislative procedural issues of the Stilp case
were not resolved.
"This was a judicial swindle," Duquesne University
Law School professor Bruce Ledewitz told the
Pittsburgh Post-Gazette. "They went out of their
way to uphold every other part of the constitutional
challenge except the part that would have affected their
own pay raises." Ledewitz later stated it was only the
second time in American history a non-severability
clause was ignored by a court.
Justice Ronald Castille, author of the Court's majority
opinion, later wrote a letter to Duquesne University
Law School that arguably threatened to bring Ledewitz
up for disciplinary action due to his comments. With
Ralph Cappy's recent resignation, Castille is due to
become the Chief Justice of the Supreme Court in
2008.
Every single member of Pennsylvania's judicial branch
now benefits from this judicial swindle. When they
want to talk about "their record," they must first explain
how they justify keeping the loot from what many
non-judge and non-lawyer Pennsylvanians consider to
be a disgraceful act of self-service.
Just because it has been deemed "legal" doesn't
make it right. After all, how was it deemed "legal" in the
first place? That's right - judges pushed for a pay
raise, the top judge held secret meetings behind
closed doors to get it, judges filed the challenges to
the repeal and judges made the final "legal" decision.
Judges may decide the law, but We the People decide
who the judges are.
Permission is hereby granted to reproduce text from
this article with attribution to PACleanSweep.
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